As
a soldier, attorney, humanitarian, and human being, I witnessed
violations of international law, treaties, inhumane conduct, and
blatant, intentional lies by the highest levels of the United States
government; by individuals who would condone human rights atrocities
and then hypocritically and publicly condemn such actions.
I
now realize why I am imprisoned and the vociferous attempts to impugn
my integrity,
morality,
and veracity. I have the ability to connect these atrocious
abominations committed against Prisoners of War, Enemy Combatants,
Insurgents, and even Civilians, to the highest levels of our national
government and cause our enemy, foe, and ally to have significant
contempt and disdain for our country. I could prove that North Korea,
Iraq, Iran, and China’s violations of human rights pale in
comparison to the precedent and actions of the United States America.
There
exists not another human being, who has such unique vast and vital
experiences, firsthand and indisputable knowledge, as well as
information ascertained through copious investigative mechanisms. As
an attorney and retired Army Major, I can eviscerate the alleged
morality of a system and political idealism and prove the nexus to
this realism. I can categorically and unequivocally prove the
hypocrisy of our government leaders’ grave miscarriages of justice,
which resulted in immeasurably and unjustified suffering with no
benefits whatsoever.
The
motivation to silence me and the rewards for achieving this objective
is unparalleled history.
In
March of 1987, I was recruited for employment at the Office of the
United States Attorney, District of New Jersey, by United States
Attorney Thomas Graulich and First Assistant Thomas Roth. I had a
successful career as a State Homicide Prosecutor. Shortly after being
hired as a federal prosecutor, the administration changed and the new
United States Attorney was Samuel Alito, First Assistant Michael
Chertoff, and Criminal Division Chief Paul Fishman. During these
years, I excelled and was given one of the premier prosecutions in
the office, United States v. Gerald Winters, et. al., also known as
the Candyman Commercial Terrorism case. In or about 1990, the Office
indicted and prosecuted Detectives Thomas Gilsenan and Ralph
Cicalese, two Essex Country Prosecutor’s detectives, well known by
us for RICO and corruption. As the result of my federal employment
and knowledge of these defendants, I was as a defense witness and
called to testify on their behalf.
My
albatross and nemesis would be this testimony, as Alito, Chertoff,
Fishman, and others attempted to coerce, intimidate, and even
threatened me against testifying truthfully. They all attempted to
suborn perjury and collectively warned me that I should get amnesia
upon the witness stand. I was told that if I were to offer favorable
evidence to the defense that the consequences and ramifications of it
would detrimentally affect my position as a federal and employment in
the office. I testified truthfully and to the best of my
recollection.
During
my testimony, Alito sat in the center of the courtroom, stared me
down, attempted to intimidate me and when I would go to the
courthouse to watch the trial, again attempt to intimidate me.
Chertoff ordered Chief John Fahy to warn me against testifying and to
inform me how disloyal I was being. Although I complained and
repulsed Fahy’s threats to the and voiced my objection to my
treatment, I knew I had made enemies for life. Subsequent to the
jury’s verdict, I was in an office to the sixth floor of the
federal building. I had no desk, secretary, telephone, files, cases,
and was scorned by office personnel. There were no other federal
prosecutors on this floor and my career with the Justice Department
essentially over. I resigned as a federal prosecutor in 1991 and went
into private practice in the District of New Jersey. I had met my
obligations pursuant to a legally issued subpoena and knew there be
retaliation.
In
1991, while this administration remained in power, I was falsely
accused and indicted for conspiracy to tamper with evidence and
tampering evidence, knowingly false accusations, devoid of any merit
whatsoever. I remained under indictment for two years, despite
conclusive proof of my actual innocence. It devastated my private
practice, so the intent of this baseless case was achieved. Three
days prior to commencement of trial, wherein I would have been
vindicated, Chertoff’s good friend, Howard Shapiro, alleged
conflict of counsel, dismissed all charges against me in the
interests of justice. Their objective of destroying me had been but
never over.
Samuel
Alito would depart from his tenure as New Jersey United States
Attorney and be elevated by the Republicans and Bush Administration
to the Third Circuit Court of Appeals. Alito’s long term alliance
with David Addington, a Federalist like Alito and arch conservative
Republican, would be my nemesis. Addington became Chief of Staff and
legal counsel to Vice President Cheney and lead Cheney and Rumsfeld’s
personal war on terror. Addington, along with White House Counsel
Alberto Gonzales, would change history by re-defining the term
“torture,” in clear contravention to humanity and law and promote
memo upon memo wrongfully and unlawfully espousing Rumsfeld and
Cheney’s position of permissible torture during interrogations.
Furthermore, Addington and Gonzales would mislead agency heads on
permissible interrogation techniques, with the approval of the White
House; and when Chertoff served as Chief of the Criminal Division,
Department of Justice, Washington, D.C., he would wrongfully and also
unlawfully support their position. Directors from the CIA and other
intelligence agencies detrimentally relied upon Addington, Gonzales,
and Chertoff in advising their operatives, agents, and soldiers in
the field on permissible conduct, while knowing their opinions
intentionally breached the American Code of Law and espoused what
were in essence war crimes against humanity. As the lead counsel to
Abu Ghraib , I learned of the actions by these parties and sought
them along with Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, Stephen Cambone (Deputy to
Rumsfeld on intelligence), Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz as
witnesses. All to no avail. They knew I was aware of their memos,
orders to torture, which I publicly proclaimed my interviews with the
media, especially Al-Jazeera, motions, and legal work.
In
2000, Alito, at the behest of Addington and the Bush administration,
gave a speech before the Federalist Society. Alito would be involved
in giving new and unprecedented powers to Bush and his
administration.
Paul
Fishman , my former Chief in the U.S. Attorney’s Office, Criminal
Division, would move into the Justice Department, Washington, D.C.
and Chertoff, who was United States Attorney in New Jersey after
Alito, would also be empowered with new appointments, from heading
the Department of Justice’s Criminal Division from 2001-2003, to a
Cabinet level as the Secretary of Homeland Security from 2005 to the
end of the Bush administration.
My
ardent, vociferous, and aggressive betrayal of the Bush
administration in my quest to zealously represent scapegoated
soldiers on the Abu Ghraib case, Objective Iron Triangle debacle, and
my appeal of tank commander Staff Sergeant Leon Parker (who was being
crucified and wrongfully charged with criminal negligent homicide)
lead to my demise. The hierarchy of the men I challenged continued to
rise to unprecedented power in our nation. They all knew and feared
my tenacity and intelligence by observing my public display of
discrediting the highest levels of our government. Most importantly,
they knew it had to be curtailed at all costs. Consequently, here I
sit in the Metropolitan Detention Center, Brooklyn, New York,
wrongfully convicted by the word of convicted felons, who were given
benefits beyond comprehension, to accuse and testify against me; and
facing life in prison with no parole.
I
was the one who constantly and publicly publicized the fact that the
United States violated international law, ordered the cruel and
inhumane torture of men, women, and children in the name of national
security, lied to the international and national communities as to
our government’s knowledge of the conduct and actions which lead to
legal violations. I took the lead and scrutinized our government’s
actions. I brought further evidence our government’s attempt to
desperately conceal such atrocities. It was I who challenged the Bush
administration stop scapegoating the lowly soldiers and to finally
tell the world the truth.
The
knowledge I gained during the scope of my representation made me a
threat to the reputation, integrity, and influence of the United
States in the eyes of the entire world, among foe and ally alike.
I
know about torture recommendations, murder of prisoners of war, water
boarding, starvation, beatings, closed quarter isolation booth
prisoners, especially Muslims, being forced into nudity, in the
wearing of female garments to demoralize them for intelligence,
threats with vicious dogs, sleep deprivation, hangings with chains,
binding of wrists and ankles off the ground, all by order of the Bush
administration. I knew in 2006, prior to the Obama ordering the
release of such information, the infamous Bush torture memos.
I
made telephone inquiries with the ACLU, a Constitutional Law
professor at Seton Hall Law School, co-counsel on Abu Ghraib, Guy
Womack, and defamed Sgt. Javal Davis of Abu Ghraib. I revealed that I
was going to change military history and renew my attack on the
American government and its war crimes; that I was moving to reverse
the convictions of all Abu Ghraib case soldiers because the defense
was denied crucial intelligence information, which I demanded, but
was denied, and which would have proven the soldiers of Abu Ghraib
were merely following the orders of the intelligence community. Prior
to my achieving these objectives, I was indicted in New York in a
case the federal government clearly had a hand in and would become a
major part of my federal indictment.
Additionally,
I demoralized the New Jersey U.S. Attorney’s Office with my
acquittal before a jury of Carmine Dente, Jr. in United States v.
Carmine Dente. Jr., a case wherein the Federal Bureau of
Investigation and United States Attorney’s Office sought a
conviction to publicize the need to protect witnesses. As they
prepared for their victory speech, the jury egg on their face with a
not guilty verdict and it was I who gave the victory speech,
My
ability to tie together all the personnel cases, criminal acts and
conduct of our government set into motion the retaliatory indictment
and case against me. What is also important to note is how I can
reveal the relationships developed between federal laws, enforcement
agencies, and the highest levels of government officials. I was a
thorn to their continued deception and lies. While their Counsel
Gonzales became United States Attorney , John Ashcroft, United States
Attorney General, befriended a lowly attorney named Chris Christie,
who later came to reward Ashcroft with a major monetary contract. The
foundation of the Bush legacy was under attack by me and now all the
power players had to depict their loyalty to Bush and guard his
administration’s integrity or they would also potentially fall with
him and be exposed. More importantly, they had to protect the
criminal actions
and conduct of our nation from being revealed.
Upon
my retention in the Abu Ghraib in or about April of 2004, I lived the
war on terror. There was not an investigation that was endorsed and
conducted that remained unread. There was not a federal law
enforcement or intelligence agency that I did not scrutinize. I
incessantly read thousands and thousands of reports and evidence,
included, but not limited to, from the Schlesinger report, Taguba
report, Central Intelligence Agency, Federal Bureau of Investigation,
Army Criminal Investigation Division, Inspector General’s Office,
International Red Cross reports and memorandum, Iraq’s Survey
Group, Special Operation’s Command, Naval Intelligence Agency,
Defense Intelligence Agency, State Department , United States Senate
reports, Fay-Jones report, Task Force 121 reports, Army secret
e-mails system messages in Washington, D.C. I ordered depositions of
vital and seminal military commanders, and more.
Additionally,
I interviewed every accused soldier in Abu Ghraib and Iron Triangle
copiously and befriended them. They believed in me and confided their
inner most thoughts and knowledge to me. I repeatedly made trips to
Iraq, despite threats of death, capture, torture, severe bodily
injury, and incapacitation by my own government under the guise of a
hold-harmless letter. The soldiers knew I risked my life and liberty
for them and would never betray them. They opened up to me. I
traveled to the Abu Ghraib prison site on multiple occasions with an
interpreter and both interviewed and video-taped prisoners. I
observed first-hand the torture facilities and spoke to an
undisclosed number of soldiers and civilians with intelligence, all
the while gathering knowledge and first-hand knowledge of what was
occurring in Iraq and Afghanistan. I lived in the field with the
soldiers to gain their confidences and even spent multiple days in
the Green Zone, Iraq, where I confronted and spoke to unidentified
government intelligence agents, who ended up warning me that there
would be retaliation against me and that my name and actions are
known by the highest levels of our government, who did not want what
I learned disclosed. intelligence officers disclosed the murder of
Iraqi General Manadel al-Jamadi at Abu Ghraib and told me that they
also feared being scapegoated because they were ordered to extract
intelligence information from Jamadi at all costs. They physically
beat him to death.
During
my trips to Washington, D.C., I and my investigator Sgt. Richard
Russell read thousands of e-mails sent to the highest levels of our
government, civilian and military, advising them of the worst
scenarios of torture, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. So, I
was acutely and innately aware that our government habitually lied
about not condoning torture and being unaware it was occurring. I was
the attorney who found and called Major David Dinenna as a witness
and learned that as a commander at Abu Ghraib hr had pleaded for a
cease or halt to the war crimes. He witnessed inhumane treatment of
men, women, and children detained at Abu Ghraib. Dinnera complained
about the contractors the United States hired that provided worm
infested food, spoiled meals, and six (6) spot a pots of portable
toilets for over a thousand prisoners, insufficient water, the
imprisonment of children and women in order to potentially gain
intelligence from a target, not interviewing detainees for years,
killing of detainees, sweep and imprisonment of innocent civilians,
the monitoring of the outside camps and its deplorable living
conditions, including over-crowding, rapes, and much more. I
confirmed all the messages read as I personally viewed and witnessed
the Abu Ghraib facility and interviewed a plethora of individuals,
including prisoners. My jaw dropped repeatedly as countless horror
stories were of rape conditions to which our government subjected
men, women, and children.
These
conditions had to be endured. I knew I had opened a can of worms and
Pandora’s box and why the International Red Cross was refused
access to the prison and prisoners by the Bush administration. Now, I
made myself a witness to conditions and treatment of human beings
similar to the Nazis during World War II. Words cannot describe our
mistreatment of human .
My
relationship with the accused six soldiers in the Abu Ghraib case, my
viewing of thousands of photographs, my covert conversations with
intelligence officers, both civilian and military, made me a threat
to our government.
Subsequent
to Abu Ghraib, I played a major role in our soldiers’ defense in
the case known as Objective Iron Triangle; the 101stassault on the
Island of Samarra and an Rule of Engagement to kill every single
military age male on the Island. In addition, I participated in
liberating First Armor Division tank commander Leon Parker, who was
accused and eventually convicted in the friendly fire death of young
American soldiers. I knew our government was scapegoating all the
accused soldiers and that the orders in the Objective Iron Triangle
also came from the White House. My efforts to reveal the origination
of the orders was stymied by the Commander, who revealed them while
asserting his Fifth Amendment privilege to remain silent. Our
democratic and just government refused to grant him immunity; so I
could him and prove Bush, Cheney, and Rumsfeld hands were dirty
again.
For
three years, my life was placed on hold to prove my theory that the
United States government was scapegoating the young and low level
soldiers, while the government escaped responsibility.
I
was the attorney who incessantly spoke with Al-Jazeera news and
attempted to bait our government into accepting responsibility for
war crimes. I repeatedly challenged White House policy and the Bush
legacy.
Through
my efforts, I was able to ascertain that Israeli agents were involved
in the torture and interrogation of detainees at Abu Ghraib. This
fact would have driven the Muslim community ballistic and compelled
our government to intentionally lie to key and strategic allies in
its alleged war on terror. I was able to confirm the fact as I was
the only Abu Ghraib attorney depose Brigadier General Janis Karpinski
Commander of the 372Company and an Abu scapegoat. She personally
spoke to Israeli agents at Abu Ghraib, but was warned to keep her
mouth shut.
As
I personally witnessed the dried blood in the torture chambers at Abu
Ghraib, I literally cried myself to sleep as I envisioned and
re-envisioned hysterical persons pleading for their release and my
help. I uncovered the gory details of how United States agents beat
to death General Manadel al-Jamadi and the indignant manner of how he
was treated even in death. I spent hours with Army Specialist Sabrina
Harman at Victory Base, Baghdad and in the Green Zone as she
recounted his physical condition in a black body bag filled with ice
as he was dumped at Abu Ghraib in the early summer morning hours. His
blood soaked and badly beaten face and body cried for assistance as
he pleaded for mercy. I later determined that the agents who
criminally caused Jamadi’s death were being investigated by our
government and federal prosecutor John Durham. I pleaded with standby
attorney Larry Lustberg to ask if I could testify, but my efforts
were thwarted. What a grave miscarriage of justice! I witnessed as
Army Sabrina Harman was prosecuted for preserving evidence and
photography General Manadel al-Jamadi while the government agents,
who beat him to death and the same White House officials who ordered
and approved the torture escaped prosecution and punishment.
As
my experiences in Iraq developed, I learned about Ghost Detainees and
hiding captured or seized prisoners and detainees by throwing them
into Abu Ghraib unnoticed under a false number or by number. I was
able to put together how this violated international law and exposed
it during my depositions of Major General Barbara Fast, who was in
charge of intelligence in Iraq and General Geoffrey Miller, who was
personally sent and ordered by Rumsfeld to Abu Ghraib and Iraq to
teach torture and inhumanity in the name of intelligence gathering. I
mistakenly revealed my knowledge of war crimes as I took the lead in
deposing the highest levels of our military command. The extent of my
confirmations made during interrogations of our strategic commanders
in Iraq opened me up to retaliation. I should have never demanded
copies of torture memos. I made my knowledge public. Furthermore, my
public revelation of Objective Iron Triangle’s Rule of Engagement
opened me up to contempt and scorn by our government.
I
further connected the dots when my visit to Abu Ghraib and Iraq
revealed that Rumsfeld had been repeatedly visiting the Abu Ghraib
prison, while our government continued to deny knowledge and
involvement in abuse and torture. I learned from soldiers themselves
that Rumsfeld was inspiring torture and abuse and motivating soldiers
to violate international laws of .
As
I delved deeper and deeper into what had gone wrong in Iraq and
Afghanistan, and as my compassion to save the life and liberty of our
young soldiers increased, my old friend, Michael Chertoff’s name
repeatedly popped up. I had known that Addington and Gonzales had
redefined torture to only include permanent disfigurement and injury,
but Central Intelligence agents informed me that it was Chertoff, who
condoned inhumanity, while advising their Director. I read Chertoff’s
confirmation hearing testimony for Secretary at Homeland Security,
and now knew he lied under oath about his involvement and knowledge
of war crimes in Iraq. I could also now see the intricate connection
between the Department of Justice headed by Bush ally Ashcroft and
then Gonzalez, Addington, Alito, and Chertoff. I could see how the
FBI, who had agents at Abu Ghraib and throughout Iraq torturing
prisoners and committing war crimes against humanity, and eventually
Chris Christie, all had similar motives to thwart my integrity,
existence, and scorn me as a public source of information. My demand
for Albert Gonzales as a witness at Javal Davis’ court martial made
my knowledge of the vicious circle and cycle .
As
Ascroft left his position as United States Attorney General, he would
use his strong connection to Bush and their devout friendship to get
Chris Christie selected as United States Attorney. He would pass his
baton of being the head federal prosecutor to Albert Gonzales, who
continued to mislead the American public about America’s awareness
and involvement in war crimes and international law violations; even
if it meant false testimony under oath at hearings. But, I knew the
truth and demanded accountability, as I repeatedly called for the
testimony of individuals.
Christie’s
allegiance to Ashcroft and Bush would be repaid in his pursuit of me
and in his political patronage and reward of Missouri attorney
Ashcroft with a forty (40) million dollar, no bid, no compete
contract for legal work in New Jersey. At the time of my indictment,
I had to further suffer Christie’s insolence as a powerful New
Jersey governor, with ties to the FBI, DOJ, the White House; and
aspirations of someday living on Pennsylvania Avenue. Christie had to
lend love and support to the Bush administration for their confidence
in appointing him. If he to ascend to the White House, this component
of American history must never be revealed.
Through
my efforts, I proved that the six (6) rogue Military Police officers
as cried out by Bush on national television were not solely
responsible for the inhumanity and crimes in Iraq. The photos clearly
established that every intelligence agency under the command of our
White House was superiorly responsible. Yet, the magnitude of the
lies committed before our United States Senate Committee hearings, to
the American and international communities, our allies and even foes
were unchecked and undeterred. I tried to do this and make the
difference. No other attorney in the entire Abu Ghraib or Iron
Triangle case ever came close to my revelations, for discovery, and
efforts.
The
spirit of Abu Ghraib carried over to my legal representation in
Objective Iron Triangle, as three (3) young enlisted men were being
accused of premeditated murder. The military and the White House were
seeking to imprison them for life. If I had not used the media to
portray this grave miscarriage of justice, they would all be serving
life imprisonment with no opportunity to ever be paroled. Factually,
they were ordered to kill every military aged male on the Island
Samarra upon contact. When they took prisoners, they were chastised
and accused of disobeying orders. When they shot and killed the
prisoners they took, they were called murderers. The White House
again used the life again of the low level soldier to appease the
Muslim and international community because Iraq’s soldiers were on
the mission and cried out about the conduct. My legal work proved the
soldiers were following orders and that they were scapegoated. We
accepted minimal pleas of guilty to avoid the potential consequence
of life in prison. The message we got out was the insurmountable
amount of scapegoating against those incapable of defending
themselves against the White House and the lies and fallacy about the
cooperative military efforts between American troops and Iraqi
soldiers. This blatant lie was proven as our soldiers refused to go
on mission with Iraqi soldiers and the level of malfeasance and
distrust was evident. In the Article 32 Hearing of the three Iron
Triangle soldiers, I proved how our soldiers hated working with and
going on missions with Iraqi Soldiers, proof the Bush especially lied
to the entire world.
I
opened eyes with my vigorous defense of our soldiers and brought the
issues out in the open. Even attempts to deter me through the New
York indictment did not hinder my representation of these kids. When
the New York indictment did not slow me down, the Feds took action.
When a million dollar bail in New York for non-violent accusations of
prostitution and money laundering did not keep me incarcerated, the
Feds stepped in to detain me without bail. I learned that New York
authorities, specifically New York Police Detective Myles Mahady and
FBI agent Shawn Brokos , were working hand in hand and communicated
daily. A fact that remains uncontroverted even to today.
The
attempts by our government to conceal the Rule of Engagement (R.O.E.)
on Objective Iron Triangle would have been accomplished if not for my
zealousness. This revelation lead to the liberation of these young
soldiers and prevented a life of misery. All free as of today.
Leon
Parker was a veteran soldier on his second tour of Iraqi and an
exceptional combatant and leader by all standards. When a fellow tank
crew man accidentally died during a combat mission, Bush had to blame
someone and he became the scapegoat. When I visited him imprisoned in
Mannheim, Germany and met his wife and seven infant children, I
scorned with contempt the White House and our military for what they
had done to this young hero; who was to die for his country. I called
upon Stars and Stripes, the newspaper read world-wide by all American
soldiers, to publicize our plight. They gave me front page photo and
coverage and I Bush and his evil administration. That was the nail in
my coffin of success as I followed it with the United States v. Dente
acquittal and they followed with life imprisonment Paul.
My
final links in connecting the dots was accomplished throughout my
tours in luxurious Iraq. I spoke to at least fifty employees of
Halliburton and their subsidiary contractors on all the outposts and
military bases. I visited Victory Base, the Green Zone , Abu Ghraib,
Fallujah, and Forward Operating Base, Mosul. Additionally, I staged
several nights with civilian contractors and Halliburton employees. I
met at Baghdad Airport, in their luxury facility at the Marriott
Hotel, Kuwait. I learned that the average salary paid to them was
over $130,000 per year, tax free, while the American soldier averaged
about $30,000. It was rare when a civilian employee risked life or
limb, but common for the soldier. Halliburton contracted with foreign
nations such as the Philippines, for employees to work on American
bases, paid these foreign nationals peanuts, yet billed the American
taxpayer extraordinarily. It was one big joke to the civilian and
comical as they put it. The money being paid by taxpayers made
Cheney’s and Bush’s cronies wealthy, while the young soldier
died, suffered severe Post Traumatic Stress Disorder or was maimed by
bombs and small arms fire. When it was revealed that there never were
weapons of mass destruction, we had no out strategy. The whole
objective behind the Iraq war came to light. I was someone who could
put into perspective all the profits made by the politicians and the
elevations in states achieved by them. I also realized how powerful
the indignant, self-proclaimed righteous
men who rose to the highest levels of our society, Bush, Cheney,
Rumsfeld, , Chertoff, Christie, Fishman, amongst others, were.
Maximum Hypocrisy
